{"id":180,"date":"2020-07-22T20:49:41","date_gmt":"2020-07-22T20:49:41","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/wagingnonviolence.org\/ipra\/?p=180"},"modified":"2020-08-21T14:17:57","modified_gmt":"2020-08-21T14:17:57","slug":"what-can-we-learn-from-studying-who-killed-berta-caceres","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/wagingnonviolence.org\/ipra\/2020\/07\/what-can-we-learn-from-studying-who-killed-berta-caceres\/","title":{"rendered":"What can we learn from studying &#8216;Who Killed Berta C\u00e1ceres?&#8217;"},"content":{"rendered":"\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">The new book&nbsp;&#8220;<a href=\"https:\/\/www.versobooks.com\/books\/3180-who-killed-berta-caceres\">Who Killed Berta C\u00e1ceres?<\/a>&#8221; by journalist Nina Lakhani documents the murder of environmental defender Berta C\u00e1ceres and the investigation and trial of her assassins. C\u00e1ceres was an indigenous woman in Honduras and the leader of the Council of Popular and Indigenous Organizations of Honduras, or COPINH. Both she and her organization were involved in a dispute over the construction of the Agua Zarca hydroelectric dam on the Gualcarque river in the community of Rio Blanco. C\u00e1ceres was shot three times in her home by an assassin in March 2016 \u2014 a year after winning the&nbsp;Goldman Environmental Prize for her activism in stopping the dam\u2019s construction.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-image\"><figure class=\"alignright size-large is-resized\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https:\/\/wagingnonviolence.org\/ipra\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/9\/2020\/07\/whokilledbertaca\u0301ceres.jpeg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-182\" width=\"254\" height=\"384\" srcset=\"https:\/\/wagingnonviolence.org\/ipra\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/9\/2020\/07\/whokilledbertaca\u0301ceres.jpeg 298w, https:\/\/wagingnonviolence.org\/ipra\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/9\/2020\/07\/whokilledbertaca\u0301ceres-199x300.jpeg 199w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 254px) 100vw, 254px\" \/><\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Lakhani\u2019s book not only covers the murder of C\u00e1ceres, but also her history of activism, the tremendous corruption in Honduras and U.S. intervention in the country\u2019s domestic affairs. While a whole article could be devoted to the latter, I want to focus on the corporate and government-led attacks on C\u00e1ceres, her organization and the many other people in Honduras who opposed the dam.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Before she was murdered C\u00e1ceres suffered years of harassment, and the struggles she faced serve as a useful case study, documenting the extreme measures corporations and governments are willing to take in order to silence those that get in their way.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\"><strong>Delegitimizing dissent<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Honduras is a signatory of the <a href=\"https:\/\/www.ilo.org\/dyn\/normlex\/en\/f?p=NORMLEXPUB:12100:0::NO::P12100_ILO_CODE:C169\">Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Convention<\/a>, which establishes that corporations and or governments are required to seek \u201cfree, prior, and informed consent\u201d from indigenous groups before development projects are allowed to go forward on their lands. In the case of Honduras, domestic law does not precisely establish how this process should work, so those seeking to implement such projects have opted for a model of \u201csocialization.\u201d Lakhani quotes an industry spokesperson stating that socialization is \u201ceducating communities about the benefits of an energy project, such as jobs and company-funded roads, classrooms and water tanks, as well as disproving the \u2018myths\u2019 circulated by opposition groups.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">While this may seem non-controversial, it can also mask a more nefarious agenda of buying off a certain level of community support to give enough cover to go ahead with the project while denying or denigrating those who still persist in their opposition as \u201canti-development.\u201d In this case those who still oppose the project after \u201csocialization\u201d are deemed illegitimate and become vulnerable to more repressive tactics.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">As the movement towards building the Agua Zarca dam continued, COPINH and community members who opposed it became targets of Desarrollos Energ\u00e9ticos S.A., or DESA \u2014 the company building the dam, their private security forces, and the Honduran police and military. After machinery owned by DESA was set on fire, arrest warrants were issued for leaders of COPINH, including C\u00e1ceres. Human rights organizations such as Amnesty International dismissed these warrants as politically motivated.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Nevertheless, the property destruction and criminalization of COPINH leadership led to the militarization of the Agua Zarca project. According to Lakhani, \u201cPrivate security guards, police and soldiers from the 1st Battalion of Engineers arrived to patrol, intimidate, and sometimes terrorize the campesino communities.\u201d COPINH leadership, including C\u00e1ceres, were charged with criminal activity they did not commit, which nevertheless served the purpose of delegitimizing their opposition to the Agua Zarca dam, as well as hindered their ability to continue to speak out against it.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Meanwhile, the process of socialization described above failed to follow the process for real informed consent because it does not allow for the possibility of the community to say no. This left the community and COPINH with the option of supporting the project or have their opposition delegitimized.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\"><strong>Harassment and surveillance<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">The militarization of the Agua Zarca project entailed the creation of checkpoints around the project and surrounding communities. Additionally, DESA created a network of paid informants and employees in the communities at the center of the Agua Zarca dam project. According to Lakhani, \u201cThe best eyes and ears belonged to spies within families opposed to the dam, as they could freely attend COPINH meetings and pick up intelligence useful to the company.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">DESA had someone on the payroll to surveil C\u00e1ceres specifically. This inside information gave DESA advanced warnings about mobilizations and protests organized by COPIHN \u2014 which DESA could then send private security forces to counteract. In addition to surveillance and the use of private security contractors, DESA also contracted out hired \u201cthugs\u201d to harass community members opposed to the dam. Lakhani tells the story of a particularly notorious hired thug: Olvin Gustavo Garcia Mejia, whose family sold their land to DESA early in the development of the project and who frequently terrorized dam opponents. She quotes one local as saying \u201cPeople are terrified of him, he\u2019s capable of extreme violence and he\u2019s protected.\u201d The use of surveillance and thugs to harass compliance from the local population is just a prelude to more violent means up to an including murder<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\"><strong>Violence<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">In the case of the Agua Zarca project Berta C\u00e1ceres was not the only person who was killed for her activism. Olvin Gustavo Garcia Mejia, the thug who terrorized the locals, was suspected of at least one murder in addition to arson and chopping off the fingers of another local who was opposed to the dam. Tomas Garcia, a father of seven, was killed by security forces guarding the DESC operation headquarters. Approximately 200 community members, including Garcia and one of his sons, marched to the compound to demand talks when members of the security forces opened fire, killing Garcia. DESA claimed that the security officer was acting in self-defense. The murder of Berta C\u00e1ceres was carried out by three hitman hired by the former DESA security chief. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">After failing to stop the protests against the Agua Zarca project through delegitimization, surveillance and harassment, the next step up this latter of escalation was murder. However, it was not just DESA that was tied to the murder of C\u00e1ceres. As Lakhani outlines in her book, there is good evidence that C\u00e1ceres was on a Honduran military hitlist. This revelation shows how often large business interests and governments are intertwined and seek the same goals, which in this case were the elimination of critics.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\"><strong>Impunity <\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">The question mark in the title of Lakhani\u2019s book is significant. The assassins that killed Berta C\u00e1ceres were arrested, tried and sentenced to lengthy prison sentences. So on the one hand the question of who killed Berta C\u00e1ceres has been answered. However, what Lakhani documents in her book is the systematic forces that coalesced to murder Berta C\u00e1ceres and repress many of the indigenous communities in Honduras. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Lakhani shows how corruption, U.S. foreign policy, neoliberalism, racism, and misogyny formed a toxic stew that left high-level decisions makers immune to the consequences of their actions. They may not have pulled the trigger, but they created the situations where the murder of indigenous people \u2014 who don\u2019t want their sacred rivers dammed \u2014 can be murdered.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>A new book about the murder of environmental defender Berta C\u00e1ceres shows the extreme measures corporations and governments take to silence those that get in their way.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":670,"featured_media":181,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[2,96],"tags":[20,21,40],"region":[87],"series":[],"article_type":[],"class_list":["post-180","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-environment","category-indigenous","tag-corporations","tag-corruption","tag-land-rights","region-latin-america"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO Premium plugin v28.2 (Yoast SEO v28.2) - 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