Cultural practices can be used to put up resistance and create alternatives, as shown by the Oromo people in the Horn of Africa. This is dramatically articulated in an annual massive cultural festival, the Irreechaa, that occurs in October.
When the Oromos and other southern people of current Ethiopia were conquered in the 19th century, Ethiopian kings banned indigenous cultural practices — including the egalitarian and democratic institutions called Gada, and associated practice of Waaqeffanna — and attempted to replace them with a northern Ethiopian Semitic and Orthodox Christian culture.
Over the years, the Oromo have applied different forms of resistance against the dominant Abyssinian/Ethiopian power and culture, and their imperialist policies. In the 1960s, new resistance organizations such as the Matcha Tulama Self Help Association and later on, the armed Oromo Liberation Front, or OLF, came into being.
However, alongside such struggle, the Oromo creatively evolved key parts of their cultural tenets — including the revival of the Irreechaa cultural and religious ritual — into a form of constructive resistance to domination. This was even to the point of forcing the regime to resign in 2018.
Irreechaa can be seen as a form of “constructive resistance” because it is used by participants as a form of direct action on the one hand and construction or renovation of earlier practices or creation of new system within the dominant structure on the other.
Irreechaa
The Irreechaa ceremony signals the coming together of five important cultural and natural objects:
1. Oda (sycamore tree), a tree of cultural construct, which symbolizes the democratic social and political institution, the Gada, and by extension, Oromo identity. At Hora Arsadi (Arsadi Lake, one of the Irreechaa places) this tree graciously stands on the verge of the lake, and it is at the center of these cultural practices.
2. The water in Hora Arsadi, which is created by and believed to be the expression of the wisdom of Waaqa (God) and the source of life.
3. The human being, the Oromo in this case, who are the embodiment of all the wisdom of God.
4. The Coqorsa (a type of grass), which the “pilgrims” hold in their hand and rinse in the water and sprinkle on their forehead, symbolizes Oromo clan structures which is interwoven to create a bigger body of the Oromo nation. In its cultural connotation coqorsa is the symbol of reconciliation, blessings, rain and good luck.
5. Kello (a flowering plant), which gives a yellow-colored flower, likened to the sunrise. This exemplifies the beginning of a new day, the coming to light of a new season, new hope, and rejuvenation of life.
On the Irreechaa day, every one carries the Kello and Coqorsa combined, rinse into the water of Hora Arsadi and sprinkle the water over their forehead near the Oda tree. This conflates the symbolic unity of all core natural phenomenon (tree, water, coqorsa, kello and human being) into one. The Irreechaa practices reach their climax when these combine into one act.
The symbolic act of this, by the practitioners of Irreechaa at Hora Arsadi, and other Irreechaa ritual practices, is a form of resistance against the hegemonic culture represented by the Ethiopian state. It is a way of symbolically recreating one’s cultural roots, looking for an alternative, rather than being subsumed into the culture of the dominant group.
The resurgence of Irreechaa
This Irreechaa practice was banned by the Ethiopian regimes since Menelik’s conquest of Oromo land from the 1880s. There is an underlying obsession by Ethiopian rulers of “dissent” from the dominant “Orthodox Christian” culture. This dream was to create a single cultural community in which that of the ruling families and groups play a dominant role.
However, in 1991, in a temporary lull of repression during the then transitional government, a group of cultural revolutionaries and Oromo nationalists from the OLF initiated the rejuvenation of the Irreechaa practices, along Hora Arsadi at Bishouftu town (24 miles to the east of Addis Ababa). That event kindled the flames, after which the number of Irreechaa practitioners has grown annually and its practices evolved. The attempt to revitalize the Irreechaa after 120 years is an act of reclaiming lost identity and a cultural, symbolic opposition.
The powerful force of the Irreechaa is cultural, in several ways, something that is clear from the meaning of the name. Irreecha is derived from the root word irree, which is a muscle in the upper hand, one of the strongest and toughest that helps with lifting heavy weights and performing harder duties. A man with power to influence others is sometimes referred to as irre-qabeessa — literally, the owner of irree, semantically, “the powerful” or “the mighty.”
As an extension of this, in daily language use, it signifies power, strengths, indomitability and invincibility. Irre –isaa, when made to have a reference to a particular subject, is equivalent to saying “his power,” “his strength,” etc. Thus, the practice of Irreechaa is honoring the omnipotent Waaqa, who created all natural manifestations (water, trees, human, coqorsa, kello), and is responsible for their rhythmic and cyclical regulations.
The orderly interactions of those phenomena are only possible by the very irree and wisdom of the Waaqa Tokkicha (The One God). As for the chants and hymns on Irracha, one song goes “irreessatti godaannaa, irree kee sodaannaa yaa Waaq.” This can be roughly translated as “we are marching to irreechaa, because we fear/respect your might, oh God!” Thus, in a nutshell, Irreechaa ceremony, in its religious form, is the act of honoring the almighty and omnipotent Waaqa.
In the fiercest confrontation with the government, in the last decade, the practitioners of Irreechaa in multitudes began to chant “Irreechaa is our power,” in a rhythmic and defiant mood. On Irreechaa day, the young, with their stick in their hands symbolizing manhood, bravery, self-defense and maturity, participate in a symbolically triumphant march towards the ritual spot around Hora Arsadi, reiterate this phrase.
In the last week of September, as the Irreechaa Hora Arsadi approaches, banners bearing “irreechi irree kenya” engulf cities and ritual places everywhere across Oromiya. The slogan is also instrumental in the event of Irreechaa that brings millions of Oromos from all across the country at one particular place to practice their cultural identity. As such, this signifies power and solidarity of resistance against dominant regimes.
Embed from Getty ImagesThe biggest gathering in the world
Over the last 10 years, the number of people conducting irreeffannaa (those who go to Irreechaa for thanksgiving) has shown a marked boost. About 3.5 million were estimated to have attended in 2013 — compared to around 1.6 million Muslims who attend the Hajj Pilgrimage to Mecca. In 2019, when Irreechaa took place in the capital city, Finfinnee (Addis Ababa), for the first time in over 130 years, it was estimated that more than 10 million participated. People from every corner of Oromiya trekked to the city.
Importantly, the revival of Irreechaa is a means of peaceful and cultural expression of resistance and opposition to the Ethiopian state. Inclusiveness is one manifestation of solidarity against dominance. Irreecha, by uniting people, despite their background, channels their ambition for common good. The participants come from all social and demographic categories. Children from the age of 5 and elderly of 90 years, women and men, the youth, are seen chanting and marching together.
Here are the heads of the Oromo traditional institution that leads the nation, the Abba Gadas, holding their ceremonial stick in their graceful and authoritative prose; older mothers/women having their siinqe (a stick carried by woman to show-off their rights and power), gracefully chanting; young folks dancing and dashing on the way to the Hora Arsadi.
People of different occupations like civil servants, traders, merchants, vendors and entrepreneurs. People of different wealth and status, poor and rich, the destitute and the millionaires, walk into the Irreechaa side by side, sit or stand at the same place. The Irreechaa ceremony is highly inclusive of all social groupings. This makes it one of the most inclusive social phenomena known in human history. One participant acclaimed: “Irreechaa gives me a sense of freedom.”
When an observer walks to the Hora Arsade they see a crowd walking in a mood of jubilation, people hugging each other and cheering, expressing emotions of love and mutual respect, exchanging best wishes, greetings. People give due respect and honor to each other, children are lovingly hugged and kissed with the implicit message that “you are most welcome to Irreechaa, you are the one who is responsible for the continuation of the culture.” The elderly (both men and women) decorated in immaculate cultural dresses are given all the possible honor and love. They are prioritized in walking to and back from Irreechaa, and given prime places to sit or stand.
A jubilant dance and song embedded with the nationalistic rhymes gives the impression of mutual love, unity and togetherness. The Abba Gadas and the hayuus (the enlightened, the wise and knowledgeable), displaying a majestic decorum and leadership posture, coming from different parts of Oromiya, enjoy love and respect from the rest of the crowd. There are individuals who have never missed a single Irreechaa over the last 20 years. One person said: “I cannot imagine missing Irreechaa … It is a moment when I feel like invigorating myself with spirit of love towards my fellow people.”
One traditional leader, Abba Gada Beyana Sanbato, explained: “In the Oromo world view, God is the father of peace and love. On the Irreechaa day, everyone is expected to show this. Again, it is our dudhaa (value system), that we expect everyone to observe peace and tranquility of the Oromo nation. We want everybody to engrain this in his or her thinking. That is why the leaders instruct the young to be in peace and love mood.”
Such cultural practices, consciously or unconsciously, are instruments of building solidarity. Socio-ethical conditions such as love, respect, empathy, sharing, etc. are important aspects of a social solidarity that enables resistance.
Overthrowing the government through cultural ceremonies
Thus, the Irreechaa ceremony is not only a cultural expression but also an arena for articulating political discontent. From the start, participants have shown the political grievance that Oromos share as a nation. Since 2014, the dominant feature of this expression has been opposition to Finfinne’s expansion to engulf other small suburb towns. On Irreechaa between 2014 and 2018, the youngsters danced and chanted verses of opposition to the city’s expansion. Over the years, many peaceful Oromo protesters have lost their life, or been jailed and beaten.
In 2016, the Irreechaa ceremony turned into bloodshed. The participants were peacefully chanting the usual opposition slogans. The government wanted to control a stage where musical bands entertained the crowd. Government security agents held back the official Abba Gada representative, Beyena Sanbato, from delivering a speech and serving the “pilgrims” the “fatherly blessings.” Instead, the security agents brought the retired Abba Gada, Neggasa Nagawo, widely believed to be a representative of the party in power. Then, according to one report, a youth participant become furious:
The jubilant youth defiantly rejected [the] official intimidation and attempts to stop them and started to climb on the stage. A new Oromo hero was born in the midst of the chaotic scene. Gamada Wario grabbed [the] microphone from one of the emcees and started chanting in English, ‘Down, Down Woyyane!’ The millions below proudly replied ‘Down, Down Woyyane!’ Woyane is a colloquial term for the dominant Tigrayan Peoples Liberation Front leaders hanging on power. Gamada’s courageous act dramatically transformed the atmosphere of the festival into a revolutionary moment. Then another Oromo youth, who had breached the security parameter, took [the] microphone and began asking the crowd, ‘what do we need today?’ The crowd replied, ‘Freedom!’
Then, the military came with an armed helicopter from the nearby air force base. The ground troops unleashed tear gas. When the crowd of millions lost their direction and became bewildered, the machine guns suddenly started to roar. Some were wounded. Many, in the attempt to save their lives, began to run. A stampede occurred. Others were squeezed on to a cliff, while more than 59 people were killed on the spot. This horrible event became a national mourning for the Oromo. The massacre was the first of its kind in the history of the Irreechaa, which was known for its peace, tranquility and harmony.
For the Oromo, the event sent a message that the regime’s downfall was inevitable. The determined Oromo youth, after this massacre, were more steadfast in their resistance than ever. In 2018, they managed to force Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn to resign, replaced by Abiy Ahmed in April 2018. Thus, Irreechaa was fundamental to all this revolutionary change.
In July 2020, killing of the renowned Oromo artist and activist, Hachalu Hundessa, rocked the nation to its core. Subsequently, one day alone, about 150 people were killed by the government security forces. Therefore, for the September 2020 Irreechaa, held in Finfinnee and Bishouftu, there was lots of preparation among activists and the youth who were so anxious to express their grievance.
However, the government used the coronavirus pandemic to limit the number of participants, only allowing some few people who were allegedly “government cadres.” Thus, the 2020 Irreechaa was sarcastically and scornfully referred to as the “Irreechaa bilxiginna” — Irreechaa of the (incumbent) Prosperity Party. Regardless of the pandemic, the government’s manner of controlling the Irreechaa ceremony was a point of debate for some and of protest for many. Thus, even in its absence, Irreechaa became an arena of political expression and a resistance discourse.
It is apparent how the cultural theme of Irreechaa has become a form of revolutionary constructive resistance to hegemonic dominant power. It is resistance because it practically and symbolically challenges the holders of power that the participants think are repugnant to their way of life. It is constructive in how its custodians create a cultural, national and unifying alternative to the existing system, and use this alternative to articulate opposition to the regime. It is a future oriented alternative, in which the participants of the cultural practice use it within a newly envisioned state or autonomous entity formed by the people themselves.