{"id":50626,"date":"2019-06-27T00:17:00","date_gmt":"2019-06-27T00:17:00","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/wagingnonviolence.org\/rs\/?p=50626"},"modified":"2019-07-18T21:36:58","modified_gmt":"2019-07-18T21:36:58","slug":"peru-anti-extraction-resistance-corporate-repression","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/wagingnonviolence.org\/rs\/2019\/06\/peru-anti-extraction-resistance-corporate-repression\/","title":{"rendered":"Understanding when repression will help or hurt a movement"},"content":{"rendered":"\n<blockquote class=\"wp-block-quote is-layout-flow wp-block-quote-is-layout-flow\"><p> \u201cWe realized the importance of playing the activists at their own game.\u201d<\/p><cite>&#8211;<em> Manager of the Pishtaku mine<\/em><\/cite><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">I remember when\nI first arrived in the district nearest to the Pishtaku mine. On my way there\nfrom a nearby province, I sat in the front of the <em>colectivo<\/em> minivan as it filled with passengers, and started\nchatting with the driver, \u2018Jon.\u2019 Jon was a young local of the district to which\nwe were headed. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">\u201cI\u2019m here to\nstudy how actors\u2019 strategies help mining conflicts escalate or get resolved,\u201d I\nanswered, after Jon asked me what brought me to the area. He told me that mining\nhas expanded dramatically, and the town\u2019s main river has been toxic for years. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">\u201cLook up the video of a farmer whose cow\u2019s skin is peeling after days of drinking river water descending from the mine,\u201d he said. The farmer complained to the authorities, but \u201cbecause of economic power,\u201d Jon recalled, nothing was ever done about it. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Jon believes that is what happened to his town: the people there used to\nbe organized, and they almost stopped the mine. But the company paid off local leaders,\ndivided them, and started criminal proceedings against dozens of people. Many\nlocals were tried, and some served sentences. \n\n\u201cSo now nobody complains,\u201d Jon told me. \u201cThey can\u2019t do anything like before.\nEveryone was either sold out to the mine or they were criminalized, and that is\nhow it works. They stopped the movement however they could.\u201d \n\n\n\n<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">There is widespread suspicion, though\ndifficult to prove, that large corporations plan covert operations in order to\ninfiltrate, coopt, and neutralize local resistance movements opposing natural\nresource extraction. In a recent investigation <a href=\"http:\/\/resistance-journal.org\/product\/mining-conflicts-in-peru\/\">published<\/a> in the <em>Journal of Resistance Studies, <\/em>I carefully detail one such example,\ntheorizing how these acts challenge resisters to refine our approaches to\nrepression and demonstrating how activist-scholars can use their privileged\nstatus to uncover these surreptitious forms of corporate violence. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Repression\nsometimes backfires: it swells the ranks of activists groups, activating\nsupport and galvanizing resistance. But it can also lead to isolation of social\nleaders, effectively demobilizing or neutralizing their resistance efforts.\nWhat factors explain these different outcomes? <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">To build theory\nthat may help answer this puzzle, I demonstrate the analytical leverage of\ndistinguishing between private and public repression, in terms of both its\nsources and targets. I draw on extensive ethnographic research conducted during\n14 months in Peru, where a large number of mining conflicts have generated\ndifferent patterns in the relationships between local, state, and company\nactors. I focus on several rounds of conflict associated with one particular\nmine, which is understudied but representative of medium-to-large mines in\nPeru. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">To protect\nstudy participants, I\u2019ve given the mine the pseudonym Pishtaku (a name which no\nmining firm would actually choose, because its meaning in Quechua refers to a\ndemon who swallows up the earth from underneath). In its remote rural locality,\nthe company faced fierce opposition from masses of farmers, who were willing to\ncommit property damage to stop the mine. Mining company agents developed\ndifferent strategies to quell its opposition, each with different effects on\nthe organizing capacity and tactics of local movements.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Company\nmanagers began by relying on the state apparatus to punish their opponents, who\nwere perceived as a more-or-less faceless collective. However, the project then\nshifted into a different strategy: surprisingly candid interviews with several\nof the company\u2019s local operators revealed the creation of a complex system of\nprivate repression most accurately conveyed by the term \u201ccorporate\ncounterinsurgency.\u201d Access to these revelations are a direct result of my\npositionality as a white, non-Peruvian male, carrying University of California\ncredentials and a solid pitch to \u201cbetter understand corporate responses to\nconflict.\u201d Thus, my interlocking privileges opened unexpected doors and fostered\ntrust with company actors.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">When they\ndeveloped these underhanded means of coercion\u2014comprising espionage,\ninfiltration, defamation, blackmail, intimidation, and physical violence\u2014and\nused these tactics to target private individuals rather than broader groups,\nthey were most effective at demobilizing resistance, isolating leaders, sowing\ndistrust and fear, and curtailing public opposition. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<blockquote class=\"wp-block-quote alignright is-layout-flow wp-block-quote-is-layout-flow\"><p>&#8220;Repression can backfire and galvanize resistance, but it can also discourage opposition, resulting in a chilling effect on activists.&#8221;<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Various\ncontacts in the company and other realms of the conflict (including residents\nat large, activists, and mine supporters) confirmed the salience of this\nunderstudied dynamic. Senior and junior company operators revealed that they\nwere keen to infiltrate, record, and frame their opponents as corrupt, violent,\nadulterous, and more. Together, they detailed the creation of a semi-professional\nespionage and delegitimation apparatus, which included the formation of\nartificial groups meant to divide Pishtaku\u2019s local opponents. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Previous studies have worked to clarify and qualify repression, and they present evidence that it can backfire and galvanize resistance, that it can discourage opposition, resulting in a chilling effect on activists. Sometimes both effects occur and offset each other. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">However, the\nvast majority of studies on the matter assume that repression is conducted by\nstates. In a period of corporate neoliberalism and privatization, state-centric\nperspectives fall short in their increasingly outdated understanding of\nrepression. Moreover, this especially corresponds with the ground realities of\nconflicts over natural resource extraction, where\u2014unlike struggles over foreign\noccupations, authoritarianism, and so on\u2014the state is a secondary agent, often\neven exculpating itself from direct intervention. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">In Peru, where\nthe most common and the deadliest type of conflicts are about mining projects,\ncompanies increasingly rely on both public armed forces and their own private\nsecurity. Peru\u2019s post-war context is marked by a large, unregulated, and\ndemobilized military apparatus, which exists alongside weak state capacity in the\ncountryside. As such, research has found that the high demand from powerful\nextractive firms creates a lucrative market of private security contracts for\ncurrent and former members of the state\u2019s armed forces.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Furthermore, the study also zooms out to examine these tendencies in other cases in Peru and beyond. In Guatemala, a Peruvian former counterinsurgency colonel became the head of a Tahoe Resources private security detail, which is facing trial in Canada for <a href=\"https:\/\/www.business-humanrights.org\/en\/tahoe-resources-lawsuit-re-guatemala\">allegedly opening fire<\/a> against peaceful protesters at the mine. In Honduras, several Lenca indigenous leaders have been killed over the construction of the World Bank-backed Agua Zarca dam, whose <a href=\"https:\/\/www.theguardian.com\/world\/2017\/jun\/04\/honduras-dam-activist-berta-caceres\">owner is a former military intelligence officer<\/a>. In the United States, the TigerSwan private military intelligence firm has worked with the FBI to <a href=\"https:\/\/theintercept.com\/2017\/05\/27\/leaked-documents-reveal-security-firms-counterterrorism-tactics-at-standing-rock-to-defeat-pipeline-insurgencies\/\">infiltrate<\/a> and stifle opposition to the Dakota Access Pipeline. In short, these trends are rising at an alarming rate. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">These brief examples provide chilling insight into the number of people who are killed for defending the environment, an activity that has never been more important\u2014nor any deadlier.  <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Protesters have much to gain from understanding when repression backfires. Privatized forms of repression might affect the power and tactics employed by resistance movements. If repression today differs from its traditional forms, then we must adapt the ways in which we understand and respond to it. Additionally, turning a lens on the agency of powerful and often inaccessible entities like mining companies will assist locals in demanding accountability and getting justice. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Read the full-length <a href=\"http:\/\/resistance-journal.org\/product\/mining-conflicts-in-peru\/\">article<\/a> on corporate counter-insurgency at the Pishtaku mine,<em> <\/em>and subscribe to the <a href=\"https:\/\/resistance-journal.org\/product\/subscription\/\">Journal of Resistance Studies<\/a> or ask your affiliated academic institution to order a subscription.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>When repression backfires, it can galvanize movements. But sometimes it does the opposite. What explains these different outcomes?<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":583,"featured_media":50627,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[24,26,30,46,60],"tags":[13,20,52],"region":[53],"series":[],"article_type":[],"class_list":["post-50626","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-democracy","category-economic-justice","category-environment","category-indigenous","category-militarism","tag-civil-disobedience","tag-corporations","tag-land-rights","region-latin-america"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO Premium plugin v28.3 (Yoast SEO v28.3) - https:\/\/yoast.com\/product\/yoast-seo-premium-wordpress\/ -->\n<title>Understanding when repression will help or hurt a movement - Resistance Studies<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"When repression backfires it can galvanize movements. 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