Those who put their faith in war dominate global headlines. Calls for invasions and occupations, attacks and counterattacks, airstrikes and arms packages unite those who embrace military force across the world’s battlefields and centers of power.
There is, however, another view hiding in plain sight. The world’s largest Christian denomination — numbering 1.4 billion people, including President Biden — has spent decades developing a comprehensive case against war. What Roman Catholicism has to say about war is too little known, including among Catholics, in a world that badly needs to hear it.
The last century has seen Catholic teaching move in a much more antiwar direction. While there is still ambiguity about whether armed force is ever morally permitted in exceptional circumstances, the church now overwhelmingly emphasizes a broader, systematic, and clear condemnation of warfare itself. Indeed, just last month saw Pope Francis flatly state: “war is in itself a crime against humanity.”
The Catholic case against war begins with an unsparing look at the suffering it unleashes. For Francis, wars “bring only death and destruction in their wake.” In his encyclical “Fratelli Tutti,” he urges people to move beyond “theoretical discussions” of war and look to its victims to truly “grasp the abyss of evil at the heart of war.”
Here he echoes one of his predecessors, John Paul II, who in “Centesimus Annus” writes: “No, never again war, which destroys the lives of innocent people, teaches how to kill, throws into upheaval even the lives of those who do the killing and leaves behind a trail of resentment and hatred.” Elsewhere John Paul II highlights warfare’s “millions and millions of victims, families and countries destroyed, an ocean of refugees, misery, hunger, disease, underdevelopment and the loss of immense resources.”
To those who acknowledge war’s terrible toll but still consider it necessary, Catholic teaching responds that war consistently fails to deliver what it promises. As Francis puts it, “the force of arms is deceptive.” It offers “a false sense of security.” John Paul II asserts that history reveals “the failure of recourse to violence as a means for resolving political and social problems” and that the suffering and anger warfare leaves behind make “it all the more difficult to find a just solution of the very problems which provoked the war.”
For Catholic teaching, war makes things worse rather than better by feeding cycles of violence. In “Evangelii Nuntiandi,” Paul VI writes that “the force of arms” is unacceptable because “violence always provokes violence and irresistibly engenders new forms of oppression and enslavement which are often harder to bear than those from which they claimed to bring freedom.” John Paul II warns that “wars are often the cause of further wars because they fuel deep hatreds, create situations of injustice and trample upon people’s dignity and rights.” And Francis simply states: “War begets war.”
In the face of war’s failures, the Vatican points to three alternatives. The first is the global turn toward nonviolent resistance movements. John Paul II highlights how this has “helped to defeat the various forms of totalitarianism” and become an effective way to “counter the armed aggressor,” while Francis calls nonviolence “more powerful than violence.”
The second is preventing war in the first place by strengthening international institutions, laws, and norms that promote mutual aid and delegitimize war in favor of diplomacy and mediation. In “Mater et Magistra,” John XXIII praises “an ever-extending network of societies and organizations which set their sights beyond the aims and interests of individual countries” to promote collaboration for the global common good.
And the Vatican’s “Compendium of the Social Doctrine of the Church” advocates greater political authority “exercised at the level of the international community” to facilitate collective security. John Paul II writes, “Peace and international law are closely linked” and urges countries to embrace, “in place of war, reliable procedures for the resolution of conflicts.” Similarly, Francis advocates “tireless recourse to negotiation, mediation and arbitration.”
Catholic teaching’s third alternative is targeting the underlying causes of war by alleviating the economic and political injustices that drive it. In Paul VI’s famous formulation: “If you want Peace, work for Justice.” This means state and nonstate actors working around the globe to reduce poverty, exploitation, and political oppression, since these are, according to John Paul II, “at the root of war.”
This is why the church has long supported economic development efforts targeting global poverty. Francis states, “There can be no true peace unless we show ourselves capable of developing a more just economic system,” which John Paul II asserts “involves sacrificing the positions of income and of power enjoyed by the more developed economies.” It is also why Catholic teaching advocates for democracy, the rule of law, effective governance, and human rights. Benedict XVI urges “the consolidation of democratic regimes capable of ensuring freedom and peace,” and writes, “A true and stable peace presupposes respect for human rights.”
At this point, you might find Catholic teaching’s take on war morally inspiring but wonder about its practicality. Is all this realistic? Actually, it is. My recent book, “The Catholic Case Against War: A Brief Guide,” details just how well this teaching lines up with what secular research has found about the nature of armed conflict.
A few examples: Military action has a dreadful record of achieving its objectives. Warfare is much more likely to lead to mass atrocities against civilians than prevent them. It is especially unsuccessful in preventing terrorism. Nonviolent civil resistance methods are two-to-three times more effective in defeating domestic dictators or foreign occupiers compared to armed force, and when successful, they are much more likely to produce democracy, human rights and lasting peace.
Most wars today are civil wars, which are usually relapses of previous conflicts that experience chronic cycles of stop-and-start fighting, and there are effective ways the international community can help break these cycles of violence. International agreements can create norms and institutions that really do shape the behavior of state and nonstate actors without resorting to military force. And widely-shared prosperity, inclusive democratic institutions, the rule of law, effective governance and human rights protections are all associated with reductions in the likelihood of war.
So, it turns out, what Catholic teaching has to say about war is not only morally powerful, but deeply realistic too. In a world loud with cries for war, it is an alternative voice that deserves a wider hearing.
Campaign Nonviolence, a project of Pace e Bene Nonviolence Service, is working for a new culture of nonviolence by connecting the issues to end war, poverty, racism and environmental destruction. We organize The Nonviolent Cities Project and the annual Campaign Nonviolence Week of Actions.
Waging Nonviolence partners with other organizations and publishes their work.
Thomas Merton had reservations about “nonviolent resistance movements”:
“Most activists do not go in for naked violence yet, but they will. In other words, there are ways and means to force people to go in a certain direction. That is okay, that is politics, you might say. If you are a politician you need to know about it and deal with it, but we have to stay out of it.” (Thomas Merton – Thomas Merton in Alaska – page 108)
“Non-violence has become all fouled-up and is turning into a sort of semi-violence.” (Thomas Merton – Thomas Merton in Alaska– page109)
Also, here is what Arun Gandhi had to say about it:
“You can quote me as saying Mahatma Gandhi would disagree with the Plowshares actions because they employ tactics of secrecy and destruction of property. I also think locking up the most courageous and devoted peace leaders for long prison terms is a way of weakening the peace movement. Those leaders could do much more for peace outside of jail than in it.” ( The Jesus Journal – Summer 1995 – No. 77 – page 44 )
I am sympathetic with much of this position, which would for example have prevented US aggression in Iraq. However I believe that Saint Augustine’s point still has relevance in at least some cases: when the truly innocent are attacked, one should not stand by but rather assist their defense. More concretely, I believe it is morally sound to pursue military defense on one’s own territory against a war of aggression. As far as I know, there are no examples of short term success in nonviolent defense against open military aggression. Successes that depend on non-violent efforts over a generation or two do not appeal to my sense of morality, provided that a military defense could work, or at least could reduce the incentive for further aggression. How can one possibly argue that, for all their terrible errors, the allies were wrong to go to war against Hitler?
Moreover in the specific case of Ukraine, any ceasefire constitutes a clear-cut victory for Putin. Nevertheless that outcome could be defended as the least bad available outcome if it provided a stable solution — but that is not possible. Putin has clearly stated his objective of conquering all of Ukraine (and other territories as well) using Hitlerian salami tactics. A ceasefire constitutes a basis for Putin to brag to Russians that his methods work and should continue in the future. A comparison to Hitler is inexact but nevertheless germane. Putin is committing well-documented crimes against humanity in conquered areas of Ukraine. Outright defeat is the only possible way to stop Putin or his successors from reinstituting the historic Russian drive to expand a tyrannical empire, which still has considerable appeal among some Russians.
And yes. I’m well aware that stopping Hitler had the ironic effect of expanding Stalin’s reach. The world is not such that perfect outcomes are available for collective action.
The Catholic Church was seriously wrong in several ways in WWII. It’s call for a ceasefire in Ukraine is wrong in somewhat different ways in a comparable situation.
David Burress
Lawrence KS
Thank you for reminding and urging “us” on. Yet, I would have appreciated some mention of the “Just War” stance that was a large issue in the 70s for those of us Catholics who sought Conscientious Objection status. Meanwhile, I look forward to reading your book.
I am contemplating converting to Catholicism, but was deeply troubled seeing Catholic priests lining up with Jordan Peterson and well known conservatives who support War. I am an anti war and peace to my bones and could never compromise on those issues. I feel Jesus as love, peace, just and kind. I am looking for the Days, Mertons, and Berrigans not the pro war. I am so conflicted now. I know Jesus is calling me to serve the oppressed. Why is it so hard to find a religious community based on non violence, peace, and the social activism of Jesus these days? I feel heartbroken and lost.