Ward Churchill, Peter Gelderloos and others have argued that the option of using violence needs to be available to movements fighting entrenched power, even alongside mass participation in nonviolent tactics like occupations and strikes. “Why tie our hands behind our backs?” they ask. Occasions may arise, they insist, when repressive police and military violence require that the movement be ready to defend itself with specific and strategic violence.
I’ve publicly debated Ward Churchill on these questions, and I agree they deserve careful thought.
I see them as important questions during a stage of mass political and economic noncooperation in a movement — stage four in my five-stage framework. But I’ve also argued that violent tactics have little merit when a movement is still relatively small, in stage three, which I call “confrontation.” That’s the stage when movements are able to mount demonstrations of thousands, but not hundreds of thousands. Because stage four is far more massive than stage three, it can use tactics like large-scale strikes and prolonged occupations. Egypt in 2011 showed what stage four can look like, and Tahrir Square did include participants’ use of property destruction and defensive violence against security forces. Does Egypt offer a model of what other activists should have in mind when they reach stage four in their own country?
“Isn’t this a revolution?”
Advocates of a so-called “diversity of tactics” need to consider the 1968 French civil insurrection. In April of that year, President Charles de Gaulle, a favorite of the 1 percent, was in more trouble than he knew. Under spring’s quiet surface were millions of resentful French workers. Then, in May, students in Paris began demonstrating. They were brutally attacked by police and set up barricades on the West Bank to defend themselves. Four out of five Parisians were said to be immediately sympathetic to the students.
The students’ confrontation was the spark that was needed; in a few weeks, 10 million workers were on strike — that was two-thirds of the labor force!
As activists spread the insurrection across France, some towns declared themselves liberated zones and began developing alternative institutions. Workplaces were being occupied; gravediggers even occupied cemeteries, and the dancers of the Folies Bergere took over their theater.
While doing interviews a year later, I talked with the deputy director of the largest Renault factory. He told me that he — but not the director — was allowed by the workers to tour the occupied factory. He observed workers cleaning and oiling the machinery of the assembly lines, and, puzzled, asked why in a revolutionary moment the workers were taking such good care of the place.
“Because,” a worker smiled, “tomorrow it may be ours!”
Reports spread that young soldiers based inside France would be unwilling to follow de Gaulle’s orders to repress the movement and that he was preparing to bring in troops stationed elsewhere to do the job. In the meantime, students continued their sometimes violent demonstrations in the Latin Quarter and defended their barricades. Workers joined them in all-night assemblies in concert halls and university buildings, trying to build agreement on a vision of a truly democratic and egalitarian France.
As the weeks went on, the state-owned media filled the television with pictures of street battles and barricades in flames. The clear intention was to influence the French middle classes to side with the state and take advantage of the lack of a student-worker manifesto that could articulate a role for the middle classes “after the revolution.”
Finally, de Gaulle went on the offensive by making concessions and dissolving the National Assembly, declaring a date for new elections. Union leaders who were worried about grassroots democracy worked to calm their members and bring them back to the electoral fold. The insurrection lost its momentum. The 1 percent won.
The French insurrection happened in an advanced industrial society with a large middle class, making it a case worth studying for people in societies like that. (See the article at the Global Nonviolent Action Database, or a longer narrative in chapter two of my newly republished book, Toward a Living Revolution.)
It’s interesting that, considering the degree of threat to the status quo, the regime killed few people. De Gaulle was probably constrained by worry about which way the middle class would go. Initial middle class sympathy toward the students (stirred by police violence in stage three) was eroded by the televised images that daily exaggerated student violence.
From my interviews I could understand how sensible it seemed to students in the streets to use violence. Still, when I drew the bigger picture, the conclusion seemed clear: Violent tactics, even in stage four, were a mistake. The students overlooked the importance to de Gaulle of the middle class as a power bloc, not to mention the reported lack of enthusiasm for street fighting among many workers and the possible confrontation waiting in the wings with battle-ready French soldiers based outside the country.
I learned a revealing story about a moment in the Left Bank when students were beginning to drag a car to a barricade that they were building at the end of a street. The plan was to ignite the barricade, once built, and to fuse the elements together for strength. Suddenly, the owner of the car they were dragging came out of his house. He was furious. In those days, it took years of saving for a worker to buy a car, and his was being dragged away to be burnt.
The students paused, unsure what to do. The worker joined them, arguing to save his car. Finally, the students’ debate was settled by the cry: “Let’s take the car, friends, isn’t this a revolution?”
The path to self-defeat is to refuse to revolutionize the means of revolution. Stuck in the romance of the French tradition, those students burned a worker’s car in the name of respect for workers.
Size does matter
In their study of 323 major violent and nonviolent campaigns between 1900 and 2006, Erica Chenoweth and Maria Stephan found that the sheer size of a resistance movement was correlated with a likelihood of success. The larger the mobilization, the more likely the movement was to achieve its goals.
One reason why movements that chose nonviolent means were twice as likely to win against dictators, occupiers and imperialists was that they were able to mobilize larger numbers of participants. In Chenoweth and Stephan’s Why Civil Resistance Works, we find a list of the 25 largest struggles; the largest was four and a half million Chinese against the Japanese occupation. Twenty of these largest campaigns were nonviolent, and five were violent. The nonviolent ones had a 70 percent success rate, whereas the violent ones had a 40 percent success rate.
Chenoweth and Stephan’s findings shed light on one of the puzzles that came up at the Peace News Camp I joined a few weeks ago in Britain. In a panel I posed this challenge: If advocates of a diversity of tactics believe the approach is more effective in winning, why don’t they simply start a campaign tackling a comparable target and show us how to win? It’s popular in the U.S. these days to target banks, for example. Why not create a guerrilla campaign to force a bank to yield to a demand, and let us compare the results with disciplined nonviolent campaigns?
After the discussion, several people said of advocates of a diversity of tactics, “They don’t campaign; they just mess with others’ campaigns because that’s where the people are.”
At a point when the civil rights movement was a truly mass movement in the U.S., in the mid-1960s, I was teaching at the Martin Luther King School of Social Change. One of my favorite students, an African American from the South, liked to tease me. “You’ll see,” she said. “When I get my field placement in North Philly you’ll find out that the people are way tired of this nonviolence shit.”
Two months into her field placement she came to see me. “How’s it working out?” I asked.
“Oh, they’re plenty mad,” she said, “but then when I bring up the possibility of some strategic violence alongside the demonstrations they say to me, ‘What you doin,’ child, tryin’ to get us killed?‘ ” — again, where the people are.
Nonviolent mass mobilization offers comparative safety in numbers that a diversity of tactics threatens. Numbers don’t guarantee success — nothing does — but numbers do make it more likely that key constituencies like the French middle classes will remain favorable to the movement, and increase the probability of success.
Where the power comes from
The disagreement about violence and a diversity of tactics may come from diverging understandings of power. I believe that the 1 percent (and other oppressive forces) get their power through the compliance of those below them, the willingness of others to follow the script they’ve been given. What shatters their power is others’ refusal to obey.
As SNCC staff member Bernard Lafayette explained it to me in the 1960s, a society is like a house. The roof is white rule, and it rests on the foundation of black compliance. When the foundation crumbles, the roof falls. It doesn’t matter how many guns and tanks are piled up there on the roof. When the foundation crumbles, the roof falls anyway.
If a diversity of tactics approach leads us away from strategies that build that power, we don’t need it.
Since my college days in the height of the global justice movement to post-Occupy organizing now, you’ve been the strongest and clearest voice taking on the “diversity of tactics” position in our country, George. My own efforts to argue for and train others in strategic nonviolence in the face of efforts to promote DOT have been strengthened greatly by your courageous and clear-minded example. Thank you!
As I said in an earlier post, based on events at the G20 and elsewhere, I see DoT as a police technique to divide movements.
As to the inevitable use of violence; as we have seen in Syria, most violence occurs when military forces defect from the state and use the only means they know to oppose that state. At that stage, it is imperative that the civilian opposition take clear control of military operations.
In addition to other widely discussed arguments agains violence; it is most important that violence never leads the change, because the decision-making structures they necessarily employ are always anti-democratic. This often leads to societies that are structured like the military.
As a former participant in such a group, I can say the the process is very religious and narrowly focused on a single solution to all problems (“When you have a hammer, everything looks like a nail.”). It also rules out dialogue, except to recruit.
Decisions about the use of violence should only be made by those who believe in strategic non-violence.
But I believe that it’s the frustration that leads to violence which we should address. Who has a strategy? Who has a vision? Why can’t we ignore the politicians and start building the society we want? How can we use our experiences from the 60s to help a new generation change the world? Where are the effective, non-violent alternatives to violence? (I do see some; the anti-Tar Sands movement is smart, non-violent, and effective).
If we’re going to talk about violence, we should also talk about frustration.
Regards
Gerry, Toronto
The irony is this: Most of those in history who have used nonviolent action do not have an emotional attachment to acting in a nonviolent manner; they simply come to realize that it’s an effective way to organize and maintain pressure on a corrupt and abusive system, in order to overturn it. In contrast, those who are persistently attracted to violent methods seem to have a romantic attachment to their supposed embodiment of revolutionary intent — thus with the invocation of “revolution” to justify burning the worker’s car, in the example that George Lakey cites above.
For anyone who wants to see this romanticizing of violence in full baroque mode, look no further than Jean-Paul Sartre’s introduction to Frantz Fanon’s “The Wretched of the Earth”. Here’s a taste: “…this irrepressible violence is neither sound and fury, nor the resurrection of savage instincts, nor even the effect of resentment: it is man re-creating himself…The rebel’s weapon is the proof of his humanity. For in the first days of the revolt you must kill…The child of violence, at every moment he draws from it his humanity.”
Those who can somehow derive an affirmation of life from a preference for death are turning the simplest facts of existence on their head. Even in the wake of a temporary tactical victory, violence in a good cause is likely to do little more than discredit if not destroy it. The desire to live, and to live more fully, is the ardor that drives any cause that benefits the people as a whole — who are not in love with the false nobility of destruction as the means of proving their revolutionary credibility.
The use of strategic nonviolence versus diversity of tactics is about more than just “diverging understandings of power.” Nonviolence like power is a multifaceted diversity and its effective practice recognizes this. Obedience is more a manifestation of how power is wielded rather than its source. As such, disobedience addresses its application rather than the source. As John Holloway has so perceptively demonstrated there are more than one kind of power. The kind of power exhibited in the 1968 French student-worker revolt was that most commonly associated with political revolutions – taking power. The source of taking power is the capacity and willingness to use violence to compel obedience – something that the middle class in France, as in the U.S., understands.
Obedience however, is about more than just forced compliance. There is also a “powerful” element of nonviolent voluntary compliance. It was revolutionary change that the French middle class feared, the workers and students burning cars were just the manifestation. That is also why the American middle class sees the upcoming election as a choice between Republicans and Democrats rather than an opportunity for transformational change. Violence has many facets, not just the use of armed soldiers but control of basic needs like food, shelter, livelihood and community. So too, nonviolence has many facets such as the profound difference between it and pacifism or how it is manifest with different kinds of power.
It is important to understand how the different kinds of power use violence and nonviolence. That is why diversity of tactics is about much more than violence against people and property. Diversity of tactics is just as much about how the different kinds of power are wielded. Which brings to mind Lacan’s comment on the 1968 student revolt: “What you aspire to as revolutionaries is a master. You will get one.” That is what Holloway was getting at in his seminal book, “Change the World without Taking Power.”
What does everyone else think? I still find it hard to imagine that when it comes right down to it. ” Revolution” means that the possibility of armed resistance may be necessary. I say necessary not wanted but may be necessary or the threat there of. However I am also realistic enough to know that a a angry rabble does not an army make.
An angry rabble when faced with the training of cool collected, hardened, well armed and seasoned troops does not stand a chance of success. My thought, if violent revolution was the option chosen it would be a battle of guerrilla type warfare. Akin to what the Israelis, Palestinians, and other eastern countries engage in now against American forces. However I realize that such an action would be either long and bloody or very short lived. Besides the fact that as the article states, it is a different matter all together when you start asking people to risk their lives for the cause of a better country. I mean at this point in time we can barely get people motivated enough to stand on a corner with a placard in protest, much less risk bodily injury and even death..
Still I do not see how no matter how many people you get out there hollering and waving signs and what not. How we are going to force this system of government now entrenched in America to give up all that power and money with out a fight. I believe that if we could coordinate enough people and enough cooperation in the form of labor strikes and economic boycotts of goods and services. That would make it much more plausible and realistic but the current state of affairs is that our Labor Unions are no where near what they used to be. In terms of power and in numbers and are being attacked from all sides by the 1% in a effort to stamp them out.
Then there is just the huge problem of American apathy. They really just do not seem to care. Even those that claim to be anarchical in nature are still continuing to prefer to devote time to their wage slave jobs and all the bourgeois forms of entertainment. Than to actually spend any amount of time in serious pursuit of freedom and social justice. I think when the time comes that all is lost here in America. I will move to some country a little less authoritarian and capitalistic and call it home…I have heard Holland is nice..:)
Regarding the “huge problem of American apathy” many in the American left have not come to grips with the political fact that like the French, the middle class does not and will not ever want a revolution nonviolent or otherwise. That is as long as there is a middle class. The left can make all kinds of excuses to rationalize why people only vote for Democrats or Republicans. The truth is that the middle class and much of the working class only want a choice between Roosevelt-style enlightened capitalism and fascism = the merger between state and corporate-financial power.
Regarding wage slavery, the issue is survival. Virtually all of the people in the U.S. exist in a condition of colonial dependence on the corporations and their government for the basic necessities of survival: food, shelter, community and right livelihood. The left, including anarchists, has for the most part not come to grips with how this colonial dependence on corporations and corporate-financial rule for the basic necessities of life severely limits the effectiveness of political action and co-opts social movements. This is something the non-political poor and the middle class understand intimately.
That is also why most people have such a difficult time understanding John Holloway’s brilliant double entendre “change the world without taking power.” He is not talking about a violent revolution to take power. He is talking about an alternative kind of power – the power to do together, the power to meet our most basic needs through cooperative action. Vandana Shiva talks about this “to do together power” as rebuilding the sustenance economy. Until the left can fully realize the necessity of basing political action on a constructive program to meet peoples needs for the basic needs of existence there will be no mass movement for transformational change and no revolution. This is something the Spanish and Greek anarchists (& U.S. horizontalists) understand.
People always have ‘the’ power. Governments don’t. Governments are empty shells – they need people inside the shell to live. And the power governments are said to have comes from people obeying the rules even if the rules are illegal, as we have with our national government.
By and large, that government in Washington DC can be ignored – no problem. This is how people can exercise their power, by not obeying the illegal rules claimed by the national government, but not found in the Constitution.
Meanwhile, until the illegalities can be corrected: Setting up new structures to insure our safety and happiness is something we all must do.
☮ I support diversity of tactics as a concept: horizontal, autonomous affinity groups using what approaches they’re best at. This does not mean that all tactics should be free from criticism; indeed it means we have many approaches to learn from.
Alas, the phrase and the concept have been corrupted into a form of newspeak to convey violent tactics somehow immune from criticism. This is unfortunate because we’ve learned a whole lot about violent tactics over the years, particularly how ineffective they are, and misusing a concept to avoid criticism means sticking to failure.
So much of this argument is asymetrical. I myself have rehashed the arguments for strategic nonviolence ad infinitum. But I have almost never read an argument for “strategic” violence. In a contemporary context, what exactly would it look like? Okay, a couple of windows are broken, and we get to argue about the fetishism of property. But what then?
When do we get to move beyond what is essentially a childish argument about tactics?
“be ready to defend itself with specific and strategic violence.”
Defending can not be violent because defending is blocking or absorbing. Basic physical defense involves no counter-attack.
Blocking is blocking a blow. Blocking is not countering, with such force, as to go on the offensive. Blocking is stopping.
Absorbing is taking the blow. It need not injure, any material which absorbs the force will do.
Counter-attacking with force is still violence.
How restricting the aggressor’s ability to continue being aggressive is viewed, I’m not sure. Depends. If applied without force and can be demonstrated later as so, may not work, for restricting an official person’s movement will be seen as a legit. crime even if non-violent.
If the official person does the restricting, then it seems anything goes including murder. Murder as in force used but not called for.