Saturday was a tough day for a group of social justice activists to hold a strategy retreat. Brett Kavanaugh was clearly going to be confirmed to the Supreme Court, and we weren’t in any kind of mood to plan next steps for our campaign.
Fortunately, facilitator Yotam Marom was prepared. He invited everyone to take two sheets of paper and a set of pastel crayons. Each of us was to make two pictures: One would represent what losing our fight might look like, and the other one would represent what winning the fight might look like.
The group came through: The array of images we created and our talking about them permitted and normalized the rage, grief and despair we were experiencing. Because fear is so rooted in individual ego, our sharing about it in the group brought us back to the present moment, able to think again. We ended the day with a plan, and a higher degree of unity than before.
All of us living through America’s crisis time need to remember that our strategizing brain lives within a whole person, holding feelings that can block clarity and creativity. Fortunately, humans have evolved to handle this problem: feel and acknowledge your feelings, and turn to the group for support.
Kavanaugh creates an opportunity
While trust in elected officials has been waning in recent years, the Supreme Court has managed to retain at least some respect as “above the fray.” Even though the court was trending toward the political right, neither political extreme has fully gotten what it wants from the court and most of the citizenry has had some confidence in its steadiness and caution — until now.
The 2016 refusal of the Republicans to fill the empty seat, and now the choice of Brett Kavanaugh, combine to reduce the court’s reputation. This means that the entire federal government’s credibility is in serious decline.
People on the left do not agree on a diagnosis of this legitimacy crisis. Some don’t see its link to the dramatic polarization that has been accelerating in recent decades and that it is structural, related as it is to the widening income gap. They therefore believe there’s a political fix that can restore trust in government, like a third party or limiting campaign contributions or persuading the Democratic Party to defy its Wall Street controllers.
What they don’t see is that the legitimacy crisis is an opportunity. It’s a truism in political science that when regimes lose their legitimacy, major change — even revolution — becomes a possibility. After all, that’s when the Swedish and Norwegian movements made their move, and pushed their economic elites out of dominance.
In the United States, movements aimed for that during the Great Depression, when free market capitalism lost its legitimacy. Franklin Delano Roosevelt and the Democrats responded to the nonviolent action of mass movements by changing the role of the state. Unfortunately, the grassroots movements had two competing visions for what they wanted: communism verses democratic socialism. Among other factors at play, the competing visions gave Roosevelt maneuvering room to build the credibility of the state by making reforms — thereby restraining capitalism enough to save it.
Barack Obama and the Rooseveltian moment
2008 was a year when people were staring over a cliff. Even Republicans were ready for “socialism,” as mass media noted. While campaigning, Sen. Obama said the United States should do what the Swedes did when their banks failed them in the early ‘90s: seize them and run them for the public good. He also acknowledged that, if elected, he wouldn’t be able to do that because the United States didn’t have that kind of “political culture.” In other words, unlike the Swedish social movements, we wouldn’t demand it with direct action.
He was right. And even though he kept saying people would need to step up and pressure for change, most liberals sat back and expected him to do the heavy lifting — and then criticized him when he didn’t do it by himself. But Obama did, through many acts of leadership, maintain the legitimacy of the presidency, offsetting his Democratic colleagues in Congress who couldn’t even pass a climate bill despite being in the majority.
The failure of Obama’s supporters to form social movements that would demand the changes he himself wanted and that we all needed, was the key difference from the 1930s. Even the health reform effort was supine and Obama was forced — given the vacuum — to call out Big Pharma and the health insurance companies himself.
On his own, he was powerless to stop the overall Democratic abandonment of the working class, Main Street, family farmers and black people as they lost their homes.
However, people’s heads continued to change during those eight years of Obama, judging from the polls and subsequent events. The elements of a democratic socialist vision emerged, even strongly enough to support a self-proclaimed democratic socialist presidential candidate who came from obscurity in 2015. Pollsters found that a couple years after the Republicans had gathered working class and small business people into the Tea Party, most Tea Party members were still furious with Wall Street.
To oversimplify: In the 1930s, we had plenty of direct action by mass movements, but we also had the downside of two visions for major change competing for majority support. In the late 2000s, we had an emerging vision that was growing, but a paucity of mass movements waging sustained direct action. (Even Occupy failed to morph into multiple campaigns, win available victories and generate an economic justice direct action movement.)
Let’s not miss the boat this time
The easiest thing to predict these days is crisis. The Florida teens showed the grown-ups in the gun control lobby how to use a crisis: mount a direct action campaign that compels (in the case of Florida) a response from politicians. Since we know crises are coming, why not prepare?
As it happens, there’s a way to prepare that builds our skills, supports our mental health and gives us the jump on the historical moments of crisis. It’s called creating direct action campaigns. Choose a demand that is winnable and a target that can yield the demand, gather a group of people eager to win and willing to focus their attention, and begin.
In the Global Nonviolent Action Database, we find successful campaigns both small and large. High school students in Flour Bluff, Texas, won the right to have a gay-straight alliance. Waterfront residents and Green Justice Philly stopped construction of an oil export terminal. Iranians nonviolently brought down the Shah of Iran, even though the dictator was supported by a modern army, torture chambers and the U.S. government.
Those who doubt that direct action campaigns can take on the economic elite of the United States need to take another look at what the civil rights campaigns of the 1950s and ‘60s were up against. Southern black people faced the largest American terrorist organization in history, the Ku Klux Klan. Local law enforcement was on the side of the Klan. State law enforcement was directed by the White Citizens Councils. The federal government declined to enforce its own laws. The FBI actively worked to undermine the freedom movement. Neither national political party wanted to stand up for the rights of black people. Yet, 10 years after the mass phase of the movement began, President Lyndon B. Johnson was forced to intervene, following the Selma direct action campaign in 1965. His fervent hope was that the campaign would disappear.
For a decade that was the lop-sidedness of the U.S. power equation: local terrorism and state repression with a federal government wanting to avoid the whole thing on one side, and the power of nonviolent direct action mobilized through campaigns on the other.
But how is the power best applied?
Even if direct action campaigns can develop the power to function unprotected in Klan country and bring down military dictatorships, how can that power be tapped for this political moment?
This is where the drawings at the beginning of this story come into play. Strategists in each of the earlier-mentioned campaigns were able to think clearly enough to map out campaigns that won. We need to step up and use our strategy heads to do the same — especially since the declining legitimacy of government reveals more and more people who feel their disenfranchisement and are open to alternative ways to stand up for themselves.
We may need to use Yotam’s wisdom at the strategy retreat. First, feel our range of feelings and reach for each other. Then, in community, clear our heads and do the thinking required. You can learn your strategy skills in a campaign where you live. And there’s no need to try to do it alone.
Very helpful to read this. Thanks
I’m disappointed I can’t post this article to FacebooK?
Thanks for this call for systems thinking. You say:
“Since we know crises are coming, why not prepare?”
When I helped start a Nonviolence academic program and practical community projects in the late 90s people were interested in reacting after the fact of event after event, but reframing to see context and patterns…not so much. I remember saying, I’m already against the next war – “what can we do to change the conditions that are leading to it? Now! Before the crisis!” Im happy to say it didn’t take long for participants to sense the value of planning ahead.
The notion of stepping back to see connections and patterns and precursors is fundamental for all problems and conflicts, from war to divorce (I.e. life). Why can’t people see that?
You say, “As it happens, there’s a way to prepare that builds our skills, supports our mental health and gives us the jump on the historical moments of crisis. It’s called creating direct action campaigns. “
Agree. And/Plus…we need one more step back that encourages us to get beyond our traditional dualistic, either-or world view. A set-up that leads to extremes. Lucky for we humans, we now have the cultural and intellectual tools to adopt and apply a more and more holistic view. Doing so is the only way -only way-to get ahead of violence, crisis and system failure.
In my opinion.
FANTASTIC ARTICLE! Here is a proposal to utilize the elements in the article.
A plan is proposed for the people to first unite under one umbrella — a Global Movement of Nonviolence, For the Children (GMofNV). It is one step away from beginning.
Gandhi and King taught us to commit to nonviolence, therefore we should call the movement a movement of nonviolence, so people know what we are doing.
Then enact Mr. Lakey’s plan — with a ““a direct action campaign that harnesses a series of actions into an escalating sequence” — in all the different categories — AND AT THE SAME TIME as you promote your own cause, promote the “umbrella movement! This will give the leaders of the movement POLITICAL CLOUT to demand of all governments to RENOUNCE WAR!
The individual goal is to make sure everyone is promoting the umbrella! The people in every country can participate. WHY? Because research shows that people everywhere abhor violence. People want their children to grow up in a safe and healthy environment. We may not agree on the method to stop violence but we can all agree we do not want violence!
This process will enhance the efforts for all issues.
The proposal asks for the best possible representatives of nonviolence to be the first to promote it (put the best players in the game from the beginning) — WOMEN. Women are usually socialized to be the least physically violent, desire World Peace, and are most affiliated with protecting the children!
Women are waiting for a comprehensive plan and have been uniting as evidenced by the Women’s March, the Women in Jerusalem, #MeToo, and after the Kavanaugh hearings. All that is needed now is leadership! Please help to enlist women leaders for a PEOPLE MOVEMENT of NONVIOLENCE to “Harness the Energy” of WOMEN and NONVIOLENCE!
Try an experiment! I have. Mention a Global Movement of Nonviolence, For the Children, with women leading the way is about to begin and watch the reaction. Please inform me of what happens.
This is an illustration “For the Children” to set a precedent for all time!
YES! WITH THE KAVANAUGH COMES OPPORTUNITY!!!
Please see http://www.GSofNV.org Peace and Love
As a woman, Pres-founder, Natl Equal Rights Amendment Alliance-300 000 members–and partnering with 3 other equally large and determined organizations, my hair is on fire for all those MeToo women, girls and males so gravely mistreated, hurt, humiliated forever!
I believe the Best Way to make a Change that Counts is to work hard to GOTV against the official Republican terrorists who wreak havoc against our Constitutional laws that have kept us whole, if not democratic fully, for centuries.
When they survey the damage they have wrought upon the United States by their felonies, destruction by Cabinet members, and crude one-finger salutes to the rest of us…WILL THEY BE SATISFIED..or are they out to destroy all but the wealthiest caste. THAT will be their demise, too.
Shocking that we seem to have sat by and watched it happen while Democrats we elected joined instead of lead us! Is it true that Wall Street is their favorite buddy?
Hello Ms. Oestreich,
Namaste. I humbly propose that women rise for a commonality between all people. Two commonalities found are the welfare of the children and nonviolence. The people in every country want their children to grow up in a safe and healthy environment. There-in lies political clout.
Please ask me about the Catalyst. Thank you.
Peace and Love, Andre
I think the country may have passed by the opportunity for equal rights at a national level. As a society, we’ve demonstrated for nearly 100 years that we don’t want it or are unwilling to fight for it. The only solution is for local governments and maybe to the state level to pass their own ER laws.
You aptly describe the dysfunctional nature of what used to be an American Democracy but is no longer. The only viable solution as I described in a recent blog is to begin building a new democracy from the ground up. Even the national direct action campaigns of the 50’s and 60’s were only marginally successful-look at our perpetual wars and our blatant racism today. One major difference today is the absolute stranglehold that corporations have on the government.