After Oct. 7, 2023, avenues of communication between Israelis and Palestinians were cut off and may be difficult to reestablish. One of the most serious global problems is how to manage destructive and protracted conflicts between groups with differing identities who are interacting within a close geographic area, as we see in the armed conflicts of Russia-Ukraine, Nagorno-Karabakh and Israel- Palestine. Track Two efforts may help to establish communications where violence, hatred, mistrust, and antagonism have become the norm.
Track Two discussions are efforts by non-officials of conflicting parties to clarify outstanding disputes and to explore the options for resolving them in settings that are less sensitive than those in formal negotiations. Such settings are often less structured and receive less media attention than those associated with official negotiations. The participants involved usually include scholars, senior journalists, former government officials, and members of civil society organizations.
The term “civil society” came into extensive use especially in Europe in the mid-1970s as efforts were undertaken to bridge the East-West divide and to prevent the dangers of war. Most Track Two efforts have been organized by universities, research institutions, and dedicated non-governmental organizations. Thus there is a need for reflection within the Fellowship of Reconciliation as to what role it may play.
Track Two meetings can in part be defined by what they are not: neither academic conferences nor secret diplomacy (“back channels”) conducted by government representatives. At a minimum, Track Two talks are aimed at an exchange of views and perceptions to improve each side’s understanding of the other’s positions and policies. They often begin by personalizing the experiences of conflict — an effort to humanize concepts and impressions.
The authors have written a valuable book on non-official meetings between Israelis and Palestinians mostly during the 1980s and 1990s. Though this book is two decades old, it remains a helpful guide to prepare new efforts today. The authors — three academics of strategic studies and a senior journalist of military affairs — have participated in some of these discussions and have interviewed participants in others, as well as government policy makers. Two authors, Agha and Khalidi, are Palestinians (both at St. Antony’s College at Oxford at the time the book was written). Two authors, Feldman and Schiff, are Israelis.
The authors are concerned with the “feedback” from Track Two efforts. They look at three key agents: “sponsors,” “mentors,” and national “leaders.” The sponsors are the outside academic institutions or NGOs which organize the meetings. As the authors write, “Parties in conflict who have been divided by a long history of violence are generally incapable of managing Track Two meetings on their own. Third-party sponsorship is usually required to initiate and sustain such talks. In the political environment, it was highly unlikely that Israelis and Palestinians could have engaged in sustained talks without the umbrella of a third-party sponsor.”
Mentors are political leaders of the parties in conflict, but not at the highest level, who do not necessarily participate in the Track Two talks. Leaders are those who are prime decision-makers on policies concerning the conflict.
As the authors conclude, “Track Two talks appear to arise and be effective when determined participants see a real need. Much depends on the calibre and dedication of these initiators.”
Citizen diplomacy cannot flourish without a special relationship built on mutual trust among the organizers, the participants, the mentors, and the leaders. While Track Two talks may not guarantee full understanding, the absence of such talks is almost sure to pave the way to further crises and breakdowns. Thus, it is time to review existing contacts, time to reach out to new voices and possible new sponsors.