Archive for July 2009

The politics of getting bombed

politicsofgettingbombed

Here is the latest from our good friend Jason Laning. While it is definitely rough, I think he makes a good point. Any thoughts?

To see this webcomic in its original size or check out more of his work, stop by his new site. It’s one to keep an eye on.

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Psychological scars of war

iraq_troops03-14-2006bHow do wars impact the soldiers who fight them?

An astounding 37% of Iraq and Afghanistan veterans entering US Veterans Affairs hospitals between 2002 and 2008 received mental health diagnoses, according to a new study of 290,000 veterans in the American Journal of Public Health.  Over one in five (22%) were diagnosed with post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), 4 to 7 times the pre-Iraq rate; 17% were diagnosed with depression.  Some veterans were diagnosed with both or other conditions.  Those with greater combat exposure were more likely to suffer from PTSD.

Meanwhile, an investigation by the Colorado Springs Gazette, entitled, “The hell of war comes home,” found a sharp rise in violent crime among Iraq War veterans.  One former soldier, Anthony Marquez, “used a stun gun to repeatedly shock a small-time drug dealer in Widefield over an ounce of marijuana, then shot him through the heart.”  Since 2006, ten members of Marquez’s 3,500-soldier unit have been arrested for murder, attempted murder, or manslaughter.

The battalion is overwhelmingly made up of young men, who, demographically, have the highest murder rate in the United States, but the brigade still has a murder rate 20 times that of young males as a whole.

The killings are only the headline-grabbing tip of a much broader pyramid of crime. Since 2005, the brigade’s returning soldiers have been involved in brawls, beatings, rapes, DUIs, drug deals, domestic violence, shootings, stabbings, kidnapping and suicides.

Read the rest of this article »

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Experiments with truth: 7/31/09


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Time favors wishful editorializing over concrete reporting on Iran

phasetwoAccording to Time magazine, “Phase 2 ” of the Iranian protest movement has begun.

Six weeks after millions took to the streets to protest Iran’s presidential election, their uprising has morphed into a feistier, more imaginative and potentially enduring campaign.

The definitive tone of this proclamation is very interesting. For starters, the article doesn’t exactly explain why “Phase 2 ” has begun at this particular moment. Other mainstream media outlets have made similar claims over the past few weeks. And much like the others, Time seems to be relying on wishful editorializing more than concrete reporting.

Tactics may be evolving to deal with the crackdown on mass street protests—such as the boycott of goods advertized on state-controlled television, attempts to overload the electrical grid and “blitz” street demonstrations—but there is little sign of them having any kind of effect on the Iranian regime. And, therefore, it’s hard to imagine a “potentially enduring campaign” emerging.

Furthermore, the situation seems to have changed very little from when it started over a month ago. Back then, Middle East expert and foreign policy analyst Stephen Zunes described the protests as “scattered” and “lacking in discipline.” Time calls “Phase 2 ” as “unorganized” and “largely leaderless.” The only difference between these two descriptions is the conclusion that follows. For Zunes, a scattered and disorganized protest movement is “easily suppressed,” whereas for Time it’s “only just beginning.” Except that it’s not. How can it be the beginning if it’s Phase 2? Read the rest of this article »

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And here’s to you, Mrs. Nixon

In this video, Rainforest Action Network executive director Michael Brune hosts a fireside chat directed specifically at the wife of Royal Bank of Canada CEO Gordon Nixon. RBC is one of the leading financial supporters of the tar sands project in Alberta, widely regarded by environmentalists as the most destructive project on earth.

Brune explains that he is addressing Mrs. Nixon because RAN has been unable to grab her husband’s attention.

My colleagues and I distribute leaflets, maybe dangle banners off buildings and collaborate with RBC shareholders, but you, Janet, you’re obviously a lot closer. You have his ear. So please, Janet, tonight would you ask your husband to stop RBC from financing this horiffic project?

mrsnixonAccompanying this rather humorous video was a stunt at RBC headquarters in downtown Toronto yesterday, where two Indigenous Canadian women scaled flagpoles in front of the main entrance before dropping a banner that read: “Please Help Us Mrs Nixon.com.

Janet Nixon is known to have played a key role in the development of RBC’s Blue Water Project, which is giving out $50 million over the next 10 years “to help foster a culture of water stewardship.”

While the clear issue involved with the tar sands oil extraction is global warming, RAN has been clever, given Mrs. Nixon’s interests, to stress the clean water implications as well. As Brune notes in the video, “It’s polluting Canada’s clean and precious water rescources.” More specifically, according to RAN’s website, “Indigenous First Nations communities downstream [from the tar sands project] have experienced polluted water, water reductions in rivers and aquifers, increased cancer, and declines in wildlife population that threaten to destroy their traditional ways of life.”

Although the banner dropping created quite a stir during the two hours it remained hoisted—drawing crowds of people, including RBC public relations executives—Mrs. Nixon has yet to issue a response. In fact, considering the video and the action were the culmination of a month-long guerrilla advertising campaign by RAN—which saw them plaster Toronto with posters calling on Mrs. Nixon to help—she’s actually been silent for quite a while.

It will be interesting to see how this plays out. Will Mrs. Nixon feel forced to make some sort of public effort to be consistent with her environmental beliefs? That’s certainly the hand RAN is forcing by being so determinedly earnest in their appeal.

If she doesn’t show an effort then it will reflect poorly on the Blue Water Project. If she does, but her husband fails to listen, then her perceived power and influence are weakened (hope you like the doghouse Mr. Nixon). That leaves the final option of RBC actually withdrawing support from the tar sands. Even if it’s only a small amount, I think RAN could call this campaign a victory.

No one expects a CEO’s wife to singlehandedly take down the biggest financial boon Canada has ever seen. But any concession on her or RBC’s part would help strengthen the stigma of being involved with the tar sands and thereby help future campaigns against supporters.

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Experiments with truth: 7/30/09

Greenpeace activists in China unfurled a banner condemning the use of coal, near one of the Beijing's largest coal-fired power plants.

Greenpeace activists in China unfurled a banner condemning the use of coal, near one of the Beijing's largest coal-fired power plants.

  • A man from the Dongria Kondh tribe in the Orissa region of India bought a share in the British mining company Vendanta Resources in order to appeal to the shareholders to not raze the rich tropical forest of his state.
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Ongoing actions

[Editor's note: Here's a new feature we're trying out in hopes of giving notice to nonviolent actions we may have missed or following up on ones already mentioned in the daily "Experiments with truth" posts. --BF]

An officer who is not displaying badge numbers holds a protester's face for the camera during last year's Climate Camp in Britain.

An officer who is not displaying badge numbers holds a protester's face for the camera during last year's Climate Camp in Britain.

  • Environmentalists and Indigenous peoples of Guatemala have been protesting a proposed mining law that doesn’t provide for community consultation, provides tax breaks for mining companies and sets royalties payable to the state at too low a level.
  • Voters angry at the scandals surrounding Brazilian Senate President José Sarney have turned to a bizarre form of online protest: posting pictures of themselves wearing their own version of his trademark moustache.
  • Three kiss-ins have been held since the July 9th arrest of a gay couple kissing on Mormon temple property in Salt Lake City. A movement is beginning to take shape, in which organizers are stressing dialogue with church leaders and peaceful confrontations with anti-gay objectors (as opposed to the shouting matches that took place at the first kiss-in). A nationwide kiss-in is being scheduled for Aug. 15.
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Experiments with truth: 7/29/09

Greenpeace activists sit in protest after painting "Hazardous Products" on the roof of Hewlett Packard headquarters in Palo Alto, Calif., July 28, 2009.  Greenpeace exposed electronics giant Hewlett Packard for backtracking on its public commitment to eliminate key toxic chemicals in its products by the end of this year. The message, applied using non-toxic children's finger-paint, covered more than 11,500 square feet, or the size of two and half basketball courts.

Greenpeace activists held a sit-in after painting "Hazardous Products" on the roof of Hewlett Packard headquarters in Palo Alto, Calif., July 28, 2009. Greenpeace exposed electronics giant HP for backtracking on its public commitment to eliminate key toxic chemicals in its products by the end of this year. The message, applied using non-toxic children's finger-paint, covered more than 11,500 square feet, or the size of two and half basketball courts.

  • On Monday morning, one hundred Palestinian children marched from the village of At-Tuwani to a village called Tuba along a path where illegal Israeli settlers have attacked Palestinian children and shepherds, as well as international human rights advocates.
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The Quaker birds of Costa Rica

quakerosIt began with the advice of a federal judge in 1949. If you’re not going to follow United States law and register for the draft, he told the group of Alabaman Quaker farmers before him, “get out of this country and stay out.” So they did. In 1951, along with several dozen family members and fellow Friends, they sold what they had in the States and flew down to a remote mountaintop in Costa Rica. Only a few years before, the country had abolished its military, so there was no threat of conscription. They didn’t know the language or how to farm in a tropical climate. The early years weren’t easy, and the community splintered several times; some moved to Canada, and others became Seventh-day Adventists. But when longtime peace activist John Trostle came to visit their town of Monteverde in 1962, he tells me, “I thought I’d discovered Shangri-La.” There was a school, a cheese factory, and an arts scene on the verge of flourishing. By 1974, he and his wife Sue moved to the community themselves.

The Quakers inadvertently gave rise to an ecotourism mecca. From the beginning, they set aside a large portion of rainforest in order to protect their watershed from pollution—a purely practical decision for a town of farmers. But a few decades later, as biologists learned of it and came to study wildlife living there, the community took up the cause of conservation. Wolf Guindon, one of the original settlers who had spent time in federal prison for resisting the draft, led the charge to build their watershed into the Monteverde Cloud Forest Preserve, which keeps a sizeable chunk of Costa Rican rainforest in perpetuity for visitors and researchers.

Meanwhile, their school has brought up generations of local Costa Rican children with perfect English and a knack for North American sensibilities. By the mid-’80s, tourists followed on the heels of the biologists, and a hospitality industry exploded. Today, backpacker hostels and luxury restorts line the road that the Quakers once had to navigate by oxcart. The original settlers are ambivalent about the endless stream of visitors, which brings jobs to their neighborhood but disturbs its quiet.

The Monteverde Quakers’ quiet is one solution to the problem of militarism. They didn’t come to be beacons of anything, and they shy away from attention. “The people who started this community don’t think of themselves as something special,” Sue Trostle explains. Most of their free time gets consumed by the endless supply of committee work that Quaker community life demands. But their children don’t have to fear a draft, and not one colon of their taxes goes to pay for an army. They’ve built the cheese factory into a collective owned by the local dairy farmers who supply it. Martha Moss, who moved down with the Trostles, brought the Alternatives to Violence Project to Costa Rican prisons. The school doesn’t proselytize Quakerism among its students, but it teaches peace. Militarism florishes now more than ever in the United States. They couldn’t prevent that. But they showed that they could build a life apart from it and flourish.

Marcy Lawton is a biologist who studies birds. She began coming to Monteverde in 1974 as a graduate student at the University of Chicago to do her research, and now she owns a home there with her husband. They’re members of the Quaker Meeting. Her work focuses on brown jays, which are famous for their remarkable acts of altruism—”Quaker birds,” she calls them. Most of the time, her jays are peaceful, community-oriented, and remarkably generous with each other. But after years of observation, she began to notice wrinkles in their behavior. When birds grow up without enough apprenticeship from their elders, they behave differently. They hoard, fight, and even commit infanticide. The more years a bird spends in a nourishing community, she has learned, the more a brown jay’s behavior comes to resemble generous, mysterious love.

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The writing on the wall

Palestinian youth activists Yousef Nijim and Faris Arouri, in collaboration with the Dutch NGO “Send a Message Foundation,” are engaged in a nonviolent campaign to combat the oppressive infrastructure of Israeli occupation. Setting their sites on the separation barrier which destructively meanders through Palestinian life and land, they assert their international solidarity and national identity through graffiti art. Stenciling words, images and ideals loftier than the heights of their concrete canvas, they hope to draw international attention to the plight of the Palestinian people. In an article on the Palestine News Network, Nijim notes that “The messages bond people to this place.” He believes that engaging with the Wall is the best way to resist it. “If you don’t deal with it, it won’t be gone,” he adds.

For around $40, anyone in the world can have a message or slogan painted on the wall, as long as it is not an incitement to hatred, violence or otherwise contrary to the peaceable objectives of the project. The money is used by Arouri and his volunteers for spray paint, gas for their car, and for community-development projects in Palestinian neighborhoods designed to increase youth participation in volunteer activities. According to TIME magazine, nearly 850 messages, ranging in content from the juvenile romantic to the politically poetic, have already been painted. (Check out www.sendamessage.nl to see some works in progress and to find out how you can send your own message.)

This artistic and creative approach to resisting the occupation and denouncing the wall has led to confrontation with Israeli Occupation Forces, yet Nijim notes that the army is generally reluctant to interfere with their projects. “I would say [there have been] a few face to face encounters,” he says. “But the whole project is about media, so they stay away from us.” Criticism of their work is not exclusive to Israeli forces, but also comes from Palestinians who believe they are trying to capitalize on the Wall. On the whole, however, local sentiment continues to be encouraging and supportive of the work that Send a Message is doing.

I recall the moments of my work organizing protests and demonstrations against the wall in Qalqilya and Jayyous with the International Solidarity Movement. I remember the bouts of frustration that led many youth to attempt to dismantle portions of the wall, only to be met with harsh reprisals and collective punishment by the Israeli Occupation Forces. As in Jayyous and other rural areas of the West Bank, not all portions of the barrier are concrete but rather chain link fences reinforced with steel and barbed wire. Graffiti is not an option there. Soldiers would often close the barrier’s entry/exit points and deny farmers access to their lands if they found evidence that locals were attempting to tamper with or destroy any portion of the barrier.

But Palestinians must continue to imbue their own lives with meaning in the ways that they see fit given their circumstances. And those struggling in the path of nonviolence must be even more creative, patient and enduring. The fact remains that the Wall must fall. Whether concrete or fence, none of it is morally sustainable nor can it resist the tides of justice. The writing on the wall reminds us all.

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